몇주만에 다시 찾아뵈어요!
요즘 COVID 19 바이러스 때문에 너무 힘든 시기인데, 다들 social distance 유지하시면서 건강관리 잘 하시길 바랄게요!
오늘은 북미 및 영어권 대학교에서 많이들 들으시는 과목중에 Sociology 에세이 쓰는 방법에 대해서 포스팅 도와드릴거에요!
한국어로는 소시올로지 혹은 사회학으로 많이 사용되고 있더라구요 :)
Sociology는대학교 졸업하기 위해서 대부분 한 과목은 무조건 들으셔야하시는 코스이세요!
그리고, 저희는 북미권 대학교에서 실제로 사용되고있는 형식의 instruction 베이스로 샘플 작성 도와드리고있어서, Sociology 를 전공으로 선택하신 후 공부하실 계획이 있으신분들도 저희 샘플이 도움 되길 바랄게요!
소시올로지 전공으로 졸업하시면 관련 직종도 많아서 직장들도 잘 잡으시더라구요~!
그럼, Sociology Essay 쓰는 방법에 대해서 시작해보도록 할게요!
Social Development Essay Instruction:
DirectionsStudents are required to complete a 5-page paper on a 20th Century social economy organization/movement. The goal of this essay is to assist students to identify the role social economy movements play in local, regional, or national development and the conditions that either inhibit or promote their role.
In your essay,
1. Identify the social economy organization/movement
2. Elaborate on the historical significance of the organization.
3. Offer an analysis of the organization’s strengths and weaknesses
Format:
The paper should be in 12-point Times New Roman font, 1” margins, with APA citation& referencing style.
위에는 Sociology 에세이를 어떻게 작성되어야하는지 간단하게 Instruction 작성 도와드렸구요!
실제 대학교에서 받으실 가이드라인은 이것보다 더 specific 하고 디테일하게 작성되어야하시니 참고 부탁드릴게요 :)
그리고 소시올로지 관련 궁금하신 사항이나 문의주실일 있으시면 언제든지 저희 카톡이나 이메일로 연락주시면 되세요 :)
Social Economy Movement: Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania
Ujamaa, the
Swahili word for “familyhood,” was the cornerstone of Tanzania’s social and economic development strategy under the leadership
of president Nyerere. Ujamaa was a response to the social
and economic problems affecting post-colonial Tanzania and the realization that
a national development strategy that was more inward-oriented was necessary (Fouéré,
2014). The objective of Ujamaa was, therefore, to transform Tanzania from a
state that was underdeveloped and dependent on foreign aid to one that was
self-reliant by converging the use of resources and the needs of the people. Through
villagization, the policy aimed to transform the economic base of Tanzania and
to bring the principal means of production under the control of the people (Ibhawoh & Dibua, 2003). In the
long run, Ujamaa was unsuccessful as a development model, and with this in
mind, the purpose of this paper is to examine the Ujamaa villages in Tanzania
and the conditions that inhibited it from providing the basis for an alternative
national development model
Background
and Historical Context
Tanzania is a Swahili speaking east African country bordering Burundi, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The nation’s first president was Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922-1999) – a very influential figure and particularly famous for his commitment to improving the conditions of the socioeconomically disadvantaged and the concept of Ujamaa that encompassed development, empowerment, freedom, and participation (Schneider, 2004). Colonial governments are significant drivers of the creation of social and economic movements, and true to this, the conditions which called for Ujamaa in Tanzania were exacerbated by colonialism. Tanganyika, currently known as Tanzania Mainland, was a colony of Germany from the 1880s to 1819, when it became a British protectorate up until 1961 when the country gained independence.
The Germans
colonized Tanganyika just when slave trade in the region had peaked (Haustein,
2017), and some of the effects of both slave trade and colonization on
Tanganyika include the loss of freedom, the erosion of the attitude of familyhood,
the development of western attitudes such as individualism, the overdependence
on foreign aid, and material poverty. As a socialist and nationalist, the
awareness of these conditions inspired Nyerere to look into traditional African
culture and modern socialism to extract principles for a comprehensive
socio-economic development model that could be used to not only re-create pre-colonial
traditions but also re-stablish a traditional level of mutual respect (Stöger-Eising,
2000).
Ujamaa
Ujamaa
- the project that integrated nation-building policies with social and economic
development strategies - became a part of Tanzanian policy in 1967 when the
Arusha Declaration was adopted. As the president of Tanzania, Nyerere believed
that there was a need to reduce the nation’s dependence of international aid, and to increase emphasis on familyhood and communalism. For the
country to achieve self-reliance, it was clear that the bulk of domestic
capital generated needed to be available for domestic use. With this in mind, Nyerere
proffered agriculture as the basis of development, and one of the government
policies that Ujamaa was built upon was the nationalization of the industries
and institutions essential to the economy. Key financial institutions and large
industrial enterprises were all restricted exclusively to state ownership. As
Ibhawoh and Dibua (2003) note, by the end of 1967, the government had taken
direct control of all the banks and agricultural processing industries.
Taking into consideration that the
industrial sector had been positioned as the main driver of economic growth, it
was essential that the means of production would provide an investible surplus
that could be channeled to the industries. Therefore, one of the priorities was
to raise productivity in agriculture as rapidly as possible and using means
that require diversion of investment to agriculture itself (Hedlund &
Lundahl, 1989). With this in mind, villagization was the central policy that
Ujamaa was built upon, as it would facilitate the communitization of the rural
workforce and the collectivization of the means of production (Fouéré, 2014).
According to Schneider (2004), Ujamaa
villages were nucleated settlements whereby peasant families lived in their own
houses but owned and cultivated land jointly. Since traditional societies overcame
the challenges of their time by living and working together, Nyerere was
convinced that the generation of Africans at the time would also be able to overcome
their developmental challenges by emulating the former traditional societies.
Conceptually, villagization was a good
idea because it would be make it easier for the government to provide equipment and facilities, distribute seeds
and fertilizers, and even provide healthcare and education.
Despite early
successes, the implementation of villagization became increasingly difficult because
people became reluctant to form and join the collective villages. This
reluctance can in part, be explained by decreased enthusiasm after the
independence struggle; class divisions whereby it was hard to convince cash cop
producers to pool their land; and a general feeling amongst more impoverished
peasants that they would have to work harder than their wealthier counterparts
(Ergas, 1980). According to Ibhawoh and Dibua (2003), the government had to
start offering incentives to persuade people to join the villages. As Raikes
(1975) explains, what was once a voluntary process eventually took on a more frontal
approach that resulted in coercion and compulsory villagization. As Ergas
(1980) notes, the use of forceful methods was due to the increasing reluctance to
join villages and the expanding cost of offering material incentives. Due to a
lack of cooperation and support for the villagization policy, collective modes
of production failed to become the dominant aspects of life in the Ujamaa
villages and therefore, there was no radical transformation of social relations
(Ergas, 1980).
In the same way,
the implementation of the nationalization policy was facing difficulties. As
Ibhawoh and Dibua (2003) explain, state control was not guaranteeing a more
effective restructuring of the economy because structural changes such as
centralization and over-bureaucratization were creating increased opportunities
for inefficiency, resource dissipation, and corruption. It soon became evident
that a development policy rooted in nationalization would neither remedy the issues
of underdevelopment nor provide a path to economic self-reliance. Overall, productivity in the country declined
significantly, and so much so that Ujamaa came to an end when president Nyerere
voluntarily stepped down from office in 1985. Keskin and Abdalla (2019) note
that by the time Nyerere was stepping down, Tanzania’s economy had
deteriorated to the point that the country had become one of Africa's poorest
countries.
Despite the fact
that Nyerere’s economic policies had resulted in a decline in productivity in
key sectors, the focus on self-reliance and human development brought about
success in other areas of socioeconomic indicators. According to Mbelle et
al. (2002), the literacy rate increased all the way to 90% and
approximately 60% of the Tanzanian population had access to health care
services and clean water (as quoted in Mann, 2017).
Analysis
Evidently, Ujamaa
was constrained by a number of internal and external factors. The failure of
the project can in part, be explained by the fact that it was too optimistic
and overambitious. The expectation that the nationalization and villagization would
result in immediate improvements was a bit far-fetched. As Ibhawoh and Dibua
(2003) explain, the aspirational rhetoric which led to Ujamaa created an
impression that the project would be the long-sought remedy to the social and
economic problems of Tanzania. The hard reality, however, was that Ujamaa, similar
to any other social and economic development strategy, had its difficulties and
limitations. Additionally, the project was implemented hastily and Ibawoh and
Dibua (2003) note that this created a wide aspirational gap between what Nyerere
expected and the actual performance of the development strategy.
For instance,
the policy of nationalization required that all ties to foreign aid be cut off
immediately. Taking into consideration that Tanzania’s domestic resource base
was fragile, the growth rate in domestic production was stagnant and that the
post-colonial state had no control of the international commodity pricing
system, such an abrupt severing of neocolonial links with Western capital
interests was an ill-informed approach. In the same way, villagization would
perhaps be more successful if the pace of implementation was more moderate and
sensitive to the needs of the people concerned (Keskin and Abdalla, 2019). As
mentioned earlier, it reached a point when a government took a forceful
approach to get people into collective villages. However, what they failed to
realize was that the efficiency and success of such an initiative are highly
dependent on the cooperation of the people involved. Although the project was
for the good of the people, the fact that it was hostile to not just their
dignity but their plans meant that it would not be successful.
Conclusion
The
ultimate failure of Ujamaa can be attributed to several issues. For starters, the
formulation of the social movement was more utopian than practical because it
failed to take into consideration the reality of Tanzania at the time. For
instance, the precarious nature of the Tanzanian economy would not allow for
such a radical transformation of economic relations and the fact that there was
class conflict even in rural areas meant that villagization would be difficult.
Second, the implementation of villagization was not sensitive to the needs and
concerns of the people of concerned. In as much as Ujamaa has positive outcomes
in terms of social indicators such as education and access to healthcare, the forced
approach that was used to implement the villagization scheme made the people
involved hostile to the entire project.
References
Ergas, Z. (1980). Why did the Ujamaa village policy fail? –Towards a
global analysis. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 18(3),
387-410.
Fouéré, M. A. (2014). Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa, and political morality
in contemporary Tanzania. African Studies Review, 57(1),
1-24.
Hedlund, S., & Lundahl, M. (1989). Ideology as a
determinant of economic systems: Nyerere and Ujamaa in Tanzania. Nordiska
Afrika institutet.
Ibhawoh, B., & Dibua, J. I. (2003). Deconstructing Ujamaa: The
legacy of Julius Nyerere in the quest for social and economic development in
Africa. African Journal of Political Science, 8(1),
59-83.
Keskin, İ., & Abdalla, M. J. (2019). The sociological analysis
of the failure of ujamaa policy. Academic Review of Humanities and
Social Sciences, 2(3), 297-313.
Mann, D. (2017). " The Smell of Ujamaa is Still
There": Tanzania's Path of Development Between Grassroots Socialism and
Central State Control in Ruvuma. Books on Demand.
Raikes, P. L. (1975). Ujamaa
and rural socialism. Review of African Political Economy, 2(3), 33–52.
Schneider, L. (2004). Freedom and unfreedom in rural development:
Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa Vijijini, and villagization. Canadian Journal of
African Studies, 38(2), 344-392.
Stöger-Eising, V. (2000). Ujamaa Revisited: Indigenous and European Influences in
Nyerere’s Social and Political Thought. Africa, 70(01), 118–143.
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